United Nations General Assembly Research Articles

UN General Assembly Resolution 76/262 as a strengthening of the collective response to the use of the veto right in the UN Security Council

The article describes the legal nature of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 76/262 (A/76/L.52) entitled "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council", adopted on April 26, 2022. We have analyzed this topic due to its relevance and the emergence of a new procedure of the United Nations General Assembly, aimed at increasing of the transparency and accountability of the United Nations Security Council, as a result of the ineffective activity of the Security Council in crisis in which our world finds itself today, in particular due to armed conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, which have led to complex humanitarian consequences. Many states and scientists have been expressing their interest in the issue of Security Council reform for a long time. We deeply researched the Resolution which is the first in a long time and a significant legal instrument that changes the existing mechanism of the functioning of the United Nations and has revived the discussions on the need for a complete reform of the Security Council in accordance with Resolution 62/557 of December 15, 2008. The purpose of the article is an overview of the new Resolution 76/262, namely the reasons and expediency of its adoption, cases of application and its effectiveness in modern conditions. The methodological basis of the study are the following general scientific and special methods of cognition of legal phenomena: the method of the philosophical level – the dialectical method; empirical methods – comparative, observation and description methods; general logical methods – analysis, synthesis; specially-legal method. The article analyzes the main provisions of Resolution 76/262, the reasons for its adoption, examines cases of its application, and draws conclusions about the effectiveness of this resolution. We have differentiated the procedures provided for by Resolution 76/262 "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council" and Resolution 377 (V) "Uniting for Peace". We have reviewed the international legal conceptual foundations of the need to apply the resolution. The topic of reforming the United Nations against the backdrop of the current world security crisis is very important and relevant for further research by domestic scientists in order to formulate their own proposals, approaches and scientific justifications in the modern Ukrainian science of international public law, as well as for the scientific enlightenment of society in this of knowledge.

The Soviet “Struggle for Peace,” the United Nations, and the Korean War

Abstract Before the Second World War the Soviet Union had been an isolated pariah state, but by the end of the war it had emerged as one of the world's two superpowers. Yet, the founding of the United Nations (UN) in October 1945 brought a new round of international isolation for the USSR, as a Western majority dominated the UN General Assembly during the first ten years of the organization's existence. This article focuses on the Soviet Union's attempt to overcome the Western-led majority during the Korean War, when the Soviet-backed World Peace Council became embroiled in an orchestrated propaganda campaign spreading false allegations that the United States had used biological weapons in Korea. Soviet officials used this campaign to try to discredit both the United States and Not until after the death of Joseph Stalin did Soviet policymakers curtail their support for the baseless allegations, though in public they refrained from acknowledging the falsity of the earlier claims.

Genocide in Ukraine: problems of proof

The article emphasizes that genocide was first criminalized immediately after the Second World War, precisely in 1948 when the UN General Assembly unanimously adopted the Convention on the Prevention of Genocide. In terms of severity, it is undoubtedly the most serious crime for both peacetime and wartime, and it is also the most difficult to prove. First of all, it is argued that in order to establish the very fact of genocide, it is necessary to have the intention to destroy, in whole or in part, any national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as well as for this destruction to be carried out by killing, inflicting grievous injuries, creating intolerable conditions life, prevention of childbirth or forced transfer of children to another group. The main focus of the article is on the fact that crimes against humanity most often occur during war. In order for the underlying crimes—such as murder, torture, extermination, sexual violence, and other acts—to qualify as crimes against humanity, they must be part of a widespread or systematic attack on civilians. Unfortunately, trials for genocide and crimes against humanity take forever. An example is the events in Srebrenica, proceedings in several genocide cases are still ongoing. Genocide, as well as crimes against humanity, are most clearly defined in legal terms in the Rome Statute of 1998, which became the foundational document of the International Criminal Court. Both crimes were also included in the criminal codes of many countries, the Criminal Code of Ukraine (Articles 442, 437) was not an exception. However, until now, there is no responsibility for crimes against humanity in national legislation. Therefore, currently the criminal actions of the combatants can only be qualified as war crimes. Many states have integrated the crime of genocide into national legislation, but not all have used the UN definition. Many states have also included crimes against humanity in their criminal codes. It is quite clear that both genocide and crimes against humanity are systematic crimes, to prove which it is not enough to confirm with evidence the commission of individual acts. Both crimes are committed within a system, often wide-ranging, and both contain elements that require proof of relevant intent or awareness on the part of the perpetrators, for example, in the case of genocide, by proving that the perpetrators knew of an express or implied plan.

Standing tall like Caesar? Qatar’s unwavering voice for Palestine at the United Nations

This article examines the complexities of Qatar’s Palestine policy, emphasising Doha’s multifaceted role as a mediator, problem-solver, humanitarian aid provider, and representative of the Palestinian issue at the United Nations. The study employs a mixed-methods research approach. Firstly, it utilises qualitative data from official statements, key policymakers’ remarks, and literature on Qatar’s foreign policy and Palestinian engagement. Secondly, it introduces text analytic methods such as latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) topic modelling, word clouds and network analysis to identify key themes, relationships and trends in Qatar’s speeches. The findings reveal that the Palestinian issue has been a prominent and consistent topic in Qatar’s United Nations General Assembly General Debate addresses over the past five decades. Qatar has consistently advocated for a resolution to the conflict, emphasising the importance of peace, justice and the two-state solution. Qatar’s support for Palestine remains steadfast, despite pressure from other regional actors to end its engagement with Hamas and divert its attention from the Palestinian issue. This commitment to the Palestinian cause aligns with Qatar’s broader state preferences for an independent foreign policy, its opposition to external interference, and its aspiration to restore its role as a trusted international partner on global platforms.

Illocutionary Acts in Retno Marsudi’ Speech at the General Debate of the 78th Session of the United Nations General Assembly

This study focuses on analyzing the illocutionary acts present in Retno Marsudi’s speech during the general debate of the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly. This study aims to describe the types of illocutionary acts employed, discerning the most and least frequent types as well as their implications. The data were analyzed by the descriptive qualitative method, and collected by finding out the video, watching the video, transcribing the speech video, and then identifying the data that were related to the theory. The writers used Searle’s theory for the types of illocutionary acts, which categorizes illocutionary acts into five types: representative, directive, commissive, expressive, and declarative. The findings from the study revealed that there are a total of 87 data points found in the speech, with directive acts being the most dominant with a total of 37 (42,5%), followed by representative at 27 (31%), commissive at 13 (15%), declarative at 6 (6,9%), and expressive being the least dominant at 4 (4,6%). The findings indicate that directive acts are primarily used to convey urgent messages and prompt action, while expressive acts are the least dominant, reflecting Retno Marsudi’s emphasis on advocating for action rather than expressing personal emotions or attitudes.

Populism at the UN: comparing Netanyahu’s and Abbas’s speeches, 2010–19

ABSTRACT Populism impacts policy choices and may contribute to fuelling crises and limiting the prospects for conflict resolution. This paper applies a multidimensional populism theoretical framework to compare quantitatively and qualitatively 18 speeches by Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu at the United Nations General Assembly between 2010 and 2019. Our analysis shows that while both Abbas and Netanyahu use populist language—mostly focused on antagonistic, moral and idealised depictions of the ‘people’ and the ‘other’—the latter consistently displayed a greater density of populist references in his UN speeches over the period analysed. Netanyahu’s discourses were both more aggressive and exclusionary and made more allusions to religion and securitisation than those of the Palestinian leader. His framing essentialised the ‘us’ (‘the Jewish people’) as threatened by an ‘enemy’; what he called ‘militant Islam’. By contrast, Abbas referred more to borders as a requirement for statehood. Their different communicative frames and language suggest discrepant worldviews. Abbas’s speeches reflected a more ‘liberal’ conception of international relations, relying more on international cooperation, institutions, and regulation to resolve the Palestinian question, while Netanyahu conveyed a realpolitik stance and stressed his concerns with external threats and willingness to act unilaterally.

ELECTION OF JUDGES TO THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE: PROPOSALS FOR REFORM WITHOUT AMENDING THE STATUTE

Abstract In November 2023 the United Nations (UN) General Assembly and Security Council elected (in one case, re-elected) five judges to the International Court of Justice. The electoral system is considered to be overly politicized and to pay lip service to the requirements that judges must be elected on the basis of their qualifications, regardless of their nationality, and that in the body as a whole, the representation of the main forms of civilization and the principal legal systems of the world should be assured. Several amendments to the system of nominations and elections have been proposed that would require a reform of the Court's Statute. This article proposes four measures that could be adopted without amending the Statute or encroaching on the prerogatives of national groups, UN organs or Member States: (1) ensure the representation of the principal legal systems, in part by promoting regional diversity on the bench; (2) remove the use of nationality as a factor in casual elections; (3) establish a vetting process and public hearings; and (4) promote a single vote for Security Council members. It argues that the measures proposed would lead to a change in the present culture of nominations and elections towards one that favours the qualification of the judges over political considerations.

The future of the SDGs: A comparative constitutional rescue plan?

In a world grappling with unprecedented challenges, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2015, to be achieved by 2030, stand as a beacon of hope, envisioning a future where prosperity, equity, and environmental sustainability coalesce. As the outcome of the 2023 SDG New York Summit (18-19 September) showed, the path to achieving these ambitious goals remains uneven, with persistent gaps in poverty eradication, climate action, and other critical areas. While legal frameworks, such as national development plans and international treaties, play a role, integrating the SDGs into the very foundation of governance –the constitution –offers a potentially powerful solution. Elevating the SDGs to constitutional principles grants them binding legal force, making governments accountable for their implementation. Additionally, integrating human rights and environmental protection principles embedded within the SDGs strengthens existing constitutional guarantees and opens avenues for legal challenges against unsustainable policies. Domestic policies must align with these ‘constitutionalised goals’, leading to a more holistic approach to sustainable development.

Your silence speaks volumes: Weak states and strategic absence in the UN General Assembly

AbstractCountry participation in one-state, one-vote forums like the United Nations General Assembly often reflects underlying power asymmetries and endogenous political processes. Voting alignment is undoubtedly an important preference indicator. However, this paper contends that it is incomplete; silence is politically significant as well. Weak states use absence as a form of institutional power that shields them from geopolitical pressure and competing-principals problems. While abstention is a public signal of neutrality that undercuts voting unanimity, the ambiguous intent of absence makes it a distinct form of political expression. We examine the politics of absences at the General Assembly, highlighting how states may be strategically absent from select votes for political reasons. Building on the Bailey et al. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 61(2), 430–456, 2017 roll-call voting data, we distinguish strategic absences from other types of absence and provide evidence that such behavior is linked to US interests and competing-principals problems. Taking these non-random reasons for missingness into account provides a fuller picture of how weak states engage with international institutions and highlights how silence can be a consequence of larger political processes.

Indian Ocean Internationalisms: The Sri Lankan Pursuit of Peace, 1971–89

In 1971 the Sri Lankan Prime Minister tabled the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace at the 26th United Nations General Assembly, marking the state's international debut at the global stage. This article analyses the trajectory of this highly significant initiative in the context of rapidly evolving political instabilities within Sri Lanka and across the Indian Ocean region. It argues that Sri Lanka's pursuit of peace during the 1970s and 1980s stemmed from multiple threats to its sovereignty combined with the state's desire to develop strategic allies and the material donations that flowed from those relations. The pursuit saw Sri Lanka align with India, the USA, the Soviet Union, and Britain at moments of political deterioration. These alignments enabled the Sri Lankan government to seek material supports to address breakdowns of political relations with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna in the south and Tamils in the north and east. The article argues that the Sri Lankan pursuit of peace irrevocably transformed Indian Ocean internationalisms and shows how a small state aligned to suit its political needs. The pursuit also linked Sri Lanka's Indian Ocean peace efforts to a liberal order in problematic ways and strengthened international backing for violence against its citizens.

Does digitalisation help achieve (selected) socio‐economic SDGs? Evidence from emerging economies

AbstractThis study examines the impact of digitalisation on achieving the selected socio‐economic Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of [1] no poverty, [8] economic growth and [10] reducing inequality—set out in 2015 by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly—in emerging economies. Employing the least square estimation technique on panel data of 18 emerging economies (listed by the International Monetary Fund) for the period, 2002–2020, the study finds that digitalisation significantly improves growth and reduces poverty and inequality, helping emerging economies achieve the (selected socio‐economic) UN SDGs. Moreover, the study offers important policy recommendations to achieve the respective UN SDGs.

Challenges and Institutional Barriers to Forest and Landscape Restoration in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh

Preventing, halting, and reversing ecosystem degradation is now a global priority, partly due to the declaration of the United Nations (UN) Decade on Ecosystem Restoration by the UN General Assembly 2021–2030 on 1 March 2019. Apart from the most recent global target to protect 30% of the natural planet by 2030 as part of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework agreed during COP15, there are several other global goals and targets. The Government of Bangladesh (GoB) has also pledged to restore 0.75 million hectares of forests as part of the Bonn Challenge. The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh contain almost one-third of the country’s state-owned forests and are home to 12 ethnic communities, whose livelihoods are dependent on forests. Although once rich in biodiversity, the majority of the forests in the region are highly degraded due to faulty management, complex institutional arrangements, and land disputes with locals. The CHT, therefore, represent the most promising region for ecosystem restoration through forest and landscape restoration (FLR). Here, using the secondary literature, we examine the current institutional arrangements and drivers of deforestation and forest degradation in the CHT region and potential benefits and modalities to make FLR successful in the region. Based on our study, we suggest that institutional reform is essential for successful FLR in the CHT. We also discuss key interventions that are necessary to halt ecosystem degradation and to secure community participation in natural resources management in the region.

Nuclear Powerplay: Traditional and Emerging State Dynamics in the United Nations General Assembly (1990-2017)

Nuclear Powerplay: Traditional and Emerging State Dynamics in the United Nations General Assembly (1990-2017)

Comparative Characteristics of Mortality of Children Due to Road Traffic Injuries in the Kyrgyz Republic

High death rates due to road accidents are characteristic of most countries of the world and the problem is global. The United Nations General Assembly has adopted an ambitious goal to halve the number of road traffic fatalities and injuries worldwide by 2030. In the Kyrgyz Republic, the number of traffic accidents increased from 5868 in 2016 to 7041 cases in 2022. In the dynamics of road accidents in the regions of the republic, an increase trend in 2019-2020 was revealed, which was replaced by a decrease in 2022, with the exception of the city of Bishkek with a sharp increase of +70.2%. Regions with a high frequency of road accidents were Chui, Issyk-Kul regions and the cities of Bishkek and Osh. Starting from 2018, 2019 and 2021, with road accidents due to the fault of the driver, injuries to children increased, especially in 2021 in all regions of the republic. In 2022, injuries decreased, only in the Batken, Naryn and Chui regions there was an increase. By region, Batken, Talas, Jalal-Abad and Issyk-Kul regions prevail. The highest rates of increase in mortality of children in road accidents due to the fault of the driver were observed in 2019-2022. Regions with a high mortality rate of children in traffic accidents due to the fault of the driver include the Chui, Talas, Naryn and Issyk-Kul regions. It is necessary in road safety policy to ensure a holistic (systemic) approach to solving the problem of reducing road traffic injuries and mortality.

Philosophical and Methodological Foundations of Economic-Mathematical Modeling in the Context of Achieving Goals of Sustainable Development and Energy Transition of The Russian Economy

In the 21st century, many countries intend to pursue the sustainable development goals, which were developed and defined by the UN General Assembly in the form of 17 interrelated objectives. The following regulated goals will ensure sustainable development in existing conditions and will form the foundation for a future development. To incorporate the energy transition process into national economic development, many countries are accepting appropriate low-carbon development strategies. The foundation of the strategy adopted in Russia is intersectoral calculations (estimates) as an environmental and climatic component. The target of this analysis is research philosophical-methodological foundations of economic-mathematical tools, which is used to identify structural changes (shifts) due to the energy transition and to ensure sustainable development of the Russian economy. Furthermore, the article shows a comparison of two models. The first of these tools is input-output tables, which is demonstrated in the report of the UN group of experts headed by V. Leontyev, and second is Meadows’ method, which is illustrated in first report of the Club of Rome. This comparison allows to justify the usage of tools, proposed by V. Leontyev, to assess the socio-economic consequences of the energy transition to provide the sustainable development of the national economy.

Unresolvation of the Palestine problem — the main threat to regional security

The article analyzes the situation in the Middle East in connection with a new largescale armed confl ict between Israel and radical Islamist groups. The author reminds readers of the origins and causes of the Palestinian-Israeli confl ict and gives a detailed picture of the dynamics of events in the former British mandate territory of Palestine after 1948. The main reason for the ongoing tension in Israel's relations with the Arab and Muslim world is the disregard by the Israeli authorities and the leaders of a number of Arab countries of the relevant resolutions of the UN General Assembly on the creation of the State of Palestine. The ongoing occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights and Lebanese Shebaa farms by the Israeli armed forces does not help to strengthen confi dence in Tel Aviv on the part of neighboring Arab countries. The author believes that the main goals of the attack on Israel by Hamas militants and Islamic Jihad (banned in the Russian Federation) on October 7, 2023 were, fi rstly, to attract the attention of regional and global players to the Palestinian problem, and secondly, to demonstrate the increased military capabilities of Hamas and the vulnerability of Israel, and thirdly, a slowdown or complete disruption of the process of further normalization of Israel’s relations with Arab countries. In addition, Palestinian radicals believed that a successful military operation against Israel could lead to an increase in fi nancial, economic, political and military assistance to Hamas from its supporters and sponsors. The author notes the growing involvement of a number of regional and extra-regional players in the armed confl ict in the Gaza Strip (Lebanese Hezbollah, Yemeni Houthis, Iran, Qatar, Turkey, USA, EU countries). The article also notes the limited capabilities of UN institutions and other international organizations at this stage for a comprehensive and fair Middle East settlement.

HIV/AIDS and its marker diseases-manifestations

An objective confirmation of the seriousness of the human community’s understanding of the global significance of such a «relatively young» infection as HIV/AIDS is the extensive discussions — the discussion of this seemingly purely medical problem at several meetings of the UN General Assembly, as well as the creation of a specialized UNAIDS program (of the United Nations AIDS Program) which this year published a final report entitled «In danger». It assessed the current situation with this infectious disease as an absolute threat to the entire modern human society. Objective — to conduct an analysis of professional publications of recent years regarding the modern clinical and epidemiological features of the clinical course of HIV-infection/AIDS and to determine organizational measures to ensure at least partial well-being of the public health of the population of Ukraine in wartime conditions and the conduct of active hostilities. It is important to emphasize to primary care physicians not only the significant variety of clinical manifestations of various forms of this acutely contagious viral pathology, but also the real possibility of visually diagnosing it — suspecting it at a daily outpatient polyclinic appointment, based on the clinical manifestations of numerous marker diseases already present on the skin and mucous membranes. Materials and methods. Official documents and scientific publications related to public health policy, approaches to overcoming the HIV/AIDS epidemic, dynamics of morbidity and specific manifestations and clinical course of certain marker dermatological manifestations of this viral pathology in Ukraine were analyzed. Results and discusion. The content of the analyzed professional publications indisputably shows that the problem of HIV/AIDS has gone far beyond the scope of the purely medical field and has acquired the status of national significance. A modern approach to improving the state of public health requires constant coordination of the efforts of different people, who at the same time have a wide range of professional skills in many different disciplines, as well as the ability to collaborate fruitfully with others in joint multiprofessional teams to achieve the common goal of overcoming this viral epidemic. Conclusions. The analysis of scientific publications of recent years on the problem of HIV/AIDS indicates an urgent need to consider this disease in the state public health system as a socially significant infectious disease of the whole organism, in which early visual identification on the skin of clinical manifestations of a number of marker dermatoses allows prompt suspicion, and then and to quickly confirm both the fact of HIV infection and to start a course of ART. This requires an interdisciplinary approach and systematic methodological cooperation of primary care physicians, dermatovenerologists, infectious disease specialists, and pathologists in the aspect of timely (early) diagnosis and complex therapy of this viral infectious pathology.

Stato e odierne prospettive sul debito

Status and current perspectives on debt ABSTRACT: Ours is a world balanced precariously between hopelessly opposing forces. In such a world the long-standing and noble battle for the elimination of illegitimate debt has little hope of success. Action must be taken on the causes but do we have the capacity and the tools? This question is attempted to be answered in the five paragraphs of this update article, reiterating with further arguments the need for the United Nations General Assembly to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on the consistency and adequacy of existing rules. It is appropriate to refer for the premises to an earlier article on the subject, entitled Holy See and illegitimate debt. The path to the International Court of Justice (2015-2022). SOMMARIO: 1. Coltivare la speranza in un mondo migliore - 2. L’alternativa alla violenza nella svolta latinoamericana - 3. L’improbabile via statunitense - 4. La via italiana oggi - 5. Esiste un futuro per la via africana sul debito?

SDG implementation at the regional level: experience of Kazakhstan and Russia

The Sustainable Development Goals, adopted at the UN General Assembly on 25 September 2015 under Resolution 70/1 cover a wide range of challenges faced by both developing and developed countries. Therefore, identification and generalisation of national approaches to SDG implementation at the regional level in two post-Soviet countries - Kazakhstan and Russia, which are characterised by the presence of a significant public sector and the active use of direct administrative methods of economic regulation, is of particular importance. The aim of the research is to conduct a comparative analysis of the used approaches to SDG implementation at the regional level. In the course of the research, criteria for characterising state participation in the processes of SDG implementation at the national and regional levels were proposed, approaches to SDG institutionalisation within the framework of national policy were compared, substantive priorities of central governments and regional authorities were compared, and specifics of SDG localisation and implementation at the regional level were revealed. As a result, differences in the formal institutional practices and structures used, the choice of priority SDGs for localisation and implementation, and the possibilities of resource support for managerial decisions made at the national and regional levels were revealed. Since the countries under study are at the initial stage of the process of localisation and implementation of the SDGs at the regional level, the conclusions obtained by the authors may be useful for improving the effectiveness of the work in this direction.

A Balanced Approach to Addressing Nuclear Risks in the Middle East While Preserving the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons

The Review Conference of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) has been one of the primary international arenas for discussing pathways to establishing a Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction-Free Zone (ME WMDFZ). This contentious issue was considered the make-or-break factor that determined whether some past Review Conferences could adopt a final document. With the commencement of the Conference on the Establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction in 2019, mandated by the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), questions have been raised about whether this new track replaces the NPT in addressing the Zone issue and, if not, in what format both tracks should interact. This essay sets the context for these questions by discussing evolving nuclear risks in the Middle East, the linkages between the NPT and the Zone, and the potential risks of decoupling the Zone issue from the NPT review process. The essay then argues for a balanced approach in which the NPT and the UNGA-mandated tracks function in conjunction with, and complement, each other. This approach would preserve the integrity and efficacy of each process and maintain the region’s commitments to the Zone, to abolishing nuclear weapons and to preventing further proliferation.